Paweł Bielicki, SPOLJNA POLITIKA JUGOSLAVIJE U RAZDOBLJU 1948–1956. IZ UGLA POLJSKE POLITIČKE EMIGRACIJE U LONDONU
DOI: 10.29362/2350.bie.159-174
Glavni cilj ovog rada je predstavljanje najvažnijih okolnosti koje su karakterisale spoljnu politiku Jugoslavije u razdoblju 1948–1956. iz ugla poljskih političara i publicista koji su posle rata boravili u izbeglištvu u Londonu. Nameravam da okarakterišem odnos poljske emigracije prema smerovima spoljne politike Jugoslavije posle razlaza Josipa Broza Tita i generalnog sekretara CK SKP(b) Josifa Staljina sve do 1956. god. i oktobarskih promena u Poljskoj, koje su ustalile nezavisan kurs jugoslovenskog vođe u međunarodnoj politici Beograda, podjednako i prema Moskvi i prema Vašingtonu. U uvodu analiziram novinske članke i dokumenta iz „poljskog Londona“ koji se odnose na konflikt između Jugoslavije i SSSR-a na prelazu 1948. i 1949. godine. Poljska emigrantska štampa – između ostalogoh „Đennjik Polski i Đennjik Žolnježa“ („Dziennik Polski i Dziennik Żołnierza“), „Ožel Bjali“ („Orzeł Biały“), kao i „Mišl Polska“ („Myśl Polska“) – tada je detaljno izveštavala o rastućem sporu između obe zemlje koji je izražavan u zvaničnim pismenim notama, u hapšenju pristalica Moskve u jugoslovenskim vlastima kao i u manifestima predstavnika vlasti u Beogradu na plenarnim sednicama Komunističke partije Jugoslavije. Tada je analiziran i Titov odnos prema zapadnom svetu, kao i pomoć anglosaksonskih sila Jugoslaviji, zasnovana uglavnom na jačanju tamošnje armije pred potencijalnom sovjetskom invazijom. U daljem razmatranju usmeravam pažnju na gledišta emigracije na političku aktivnost jugoslovenskih komunista posle Staljinove smrti i pomirenja sa SSSR-om 1955, što je Titu omogućilo da ojača položaj kako na unutrašnjoj sceni, tako i na međunarodnom planu. Drugi veoma bitan elemenat rada jesu analize, pored ostalih, Tadeuša Lubačevskog (Tadeusz Lubaczewski) i Zigmunta Šemplinjskog (Zygmunt Szempliński), koji su pratili rastuće prisustvo jugoslovenskog vođe na Bliskom istoku i u Aziji, čiji je opipljiv dokaz bila aktivna uloga Beograda u stvaranju Pokreta nesvrstanih. Osim toga, nameravam da se upoznam sa ulogom Jugoslavije u procesima koji su se odvijali u Istočnoj Evropi 1956. godine. U zaključku nastojim da odgovorim na pitanje koliko je jugoslovenska diplomatija bila predmet interesovanja u diskursu poljske političke emigracije u Londonu na prelazu četrdesetih i pedesetih godina XX veka. Osim toga, pokušavam da preciziram da li su se analize poljskih publicista i političara poklapale sa stvarnom situacijom u zemlji koju opisujem.
Paweł Bielicki, FOREIGN POLICY OF YUGOSLAVIA IN 1948-1956 IN THE VIEW OF POLISH POLITICAL EMIGRATION IN LONDON
The main purpose of my article will be to present the most important determinants and dependencies that characterize Yugoslavia’s foreign policy in 1948-1956 in the light of Polish politicians and journalists staying after the war in exile in London. I intend to characterize the views of Polish emigration regarding the directions of the external policy of Yugoslavia after the split between the country’s leader Josip Broz-Tito and the secretary general of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (b) Józef Stalin until 1956 and October changes in Poland, which have consolidated the independent course of the Yugoslavian leader in Belgrade’s international policy both to Moscow and Washington. At the outset, I would like to look at newspaper articles and documents from the “Polish London” concerning the conflict between Yugoslavia and the USSR at the turn of 1948 and 1949. The Polish press emigration – “Dziennik Polski and Dziennik Żołnierza”, “Orzeł Biały” and “Myśl Polska”, detailed information about the growing conflict between the two countries, expressed through official written notes, arrests of Moscow supporters in Yugoslav authorities and appeals of government representatives in Belgrade at the plenary meetings of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. At the same time, the analysis of Tito’s attitude to the Western world and the gradual assistance of Anglo-Saxon powers to Yugoslavia, based mainly on strengthening the army there against potential Soviet invasion, was also analyzed. In the further part of my considerations I would like to focus my attention on the views of emigration on the diplomatic activity of Yugoslav communists after Stalin’s death and reconciliation with the USSR in 1955, which enabled Tito to strengthen his political position both internally and internationally. Another, extremely important element of the work will be to track through Tadeusz Lubaczewski or Zygmunt Szempliński, the growing presence of the leader of Yugoslavia in the Middle East and Asia, which was evidenced by the active role of Belgrade in the formation of the Non-Aligned Movement. In addition, I intend to look at the role of Yugoslavia in the processes taking place in Eastern Europe in 1956. In summary, I would like to answer the question of how far the Yugoslav diplomacy was the subject of interest of Polish emigration in the discourse of Polish political emigration in London at the turn of the 1940s. I will also try to clarify whether the analysis of Polish journalists and politicians coincided with the actual political situation in which I am discussing.
