Ivana Dobrivojević Tomić, PLANIRANJE PORODICE U JUGOSLAVIJI I POLJSKOJ. SLIČNOSTI I RAZLIKE

DOI: 10.29362/2022.2619.dob.393-410

Između dva svetska rata, Jugoslavija i Poljska su bile industrijski nerazvijene, ruralne države na evropskoj periferiji. Modernizacijski procesi su sporo napredovali, pa je prirodni priraštaj i u jednoj i u drugoj državi bio među najvišim u Evropi. Tridesete godine 20. veka donele su određenu promenu. Natalitet je počeo da opada u obe države, a u razvijenijim regionima Jugoslavije bilo je sve više porodica sa dvoje dece. Seksualnost, slobodna ljubav i kontracepcija su, u međuratnoj Jugoslaviji i Poljskoj, predstavljali tabu temu o kojoj se malo govorilo i još manje znalo. Seks je bio društveno prihvatljiv jedino u braku, a rođenje vanbračnog deteta smatrano je najvećom sramotom koja je mogla zadesiti jednu porodicu. Suočeni sa teškim posledicama koje su nestručni abortusi ostavljali na zdravlje desetina hiljada žene, lekari su se počeli zalagati za delimičnu liberalizaciju propisa. U Poljskoj je kampanju, počev od 1929. godine, predvodio Tadeuš Zelenski, dok su se u Jugoslaviji na ovom pitanju angažovali lekari, pravnici i ženska udruženja. Iako je kraj Drugog svetskog rata doneo novu nadu i veću želju za potomstvom, kako na Istoku tako i na Zapadu Evrope, u zemljama narodnih demokratija natalitet je počeo da opada već krajem 40-ih i početkom 50-ih godina. U vreme baby boom-a u zapadnoevropskim zemljama, stope fertiliteta na Istoku bile su u opadanju, da bi u nekim zemljama tokom 60–tih godina pale ispod nivoa neophodnog za prostu reprodukciju. U Jugoslaviji je sve veći broj žena zbog ginekoloških komplikacija usled ilegalno izvršenog ili započetog pobačaja, završavao u klinikama, što je navelo vlasti da počnu da ublažavaju propise o kažnjivosti abortusa. Novi Krivični zakonik koji je predstavljao prvi korak u pravcu postepene liberalizacije pobačaja donet je 1951. godine. Međuratna pravna praksa opšte kažnjivosti abortusa je napuštena, a već sledeće 1952. godine doneta je Uredba kojom je abortus omogućen ne samo iz medicinskih razloga, već i usled određenih socijalnih problema. Februara 1960. godine doneta je nova Uredba o uslovima i postupku za dozvoljavanje pobačaja u kojoj su socijalne indikacije postale dovoljan razlog za izvršenje pobačaja, da bi Opštim zakonom o prekidu trudnoće (1969) abortus bio dozvoljen bez ikakvog uslovljavanja. Pet godina kasnije, pravo čoveka da slobodno odlučuje o brojnosti potomstva ušlo je u Ustav (1974), a zatim i u republičke i pokrajinske ustave. Rast stopa rađanja, posebno u ruralnim delovima Poljske, u prvim godinama posle Drugog svetskog rata nailazila je na kritike stručnjaka, pre svega demografa, koji su se zalagali za „racionalnu“ reprodukciju kritikujući „niske civilizacijske i kulturne norme“ onih koji na svet donose previše dece. Međutim, iako je prema nekim procenama svake godine (1946–1956) pola miliona Poljakinja problem neželjene trudnoće rešavalo pobačajem, sve do 1956. godine abortus je bio nelegalan, sredstva za kontracepciju nisu bila promovisana, a seksualna edukacija je bila zabranjena. Prilike su se potpuno promenile 1956. godine kada je Poljska, sledeći sovjetski primer, dozvolila abortus na osnovu medicinsko-socijalne indikacije. Bio je ovo i simboličan kraj staljinističke politike koja je promovisala plodnost i natalitet pod sloganom obnove poljskog stanovništva teško postradalog u Drugom svetskom ratu. Uredba je dodatno relaksirana 1959. pa je pobačaj dozvoljen i samo iz socijalnih razloga. Obzirom na odsustvo jasne definicije šta se sve zapravo može podvesti pod „socijalnu indikaciju“, baš kao i u Jugoslaviji, zakon je tumačen krajnje fleksibilno, pa je u praksi lični zahtev postao i dovoljan uslov za okončanje neželjene trudnoće. Za razliku od ostalih istočnoevropskih zemalja, posle dekriminalizacije abortusa, i u Jugoslaviji i u Poljskoj išlo se samo na dalju liberalizaciju propisa, a ne na njihovo zaoštravanje. Dok su od početka 70-ih godina u Poljskoj bile na snazi izvesne pronatalističke mere, jugoslovenska politika u oblasti planiranja porodice nije bila zasnovana ni na pronatalističkom ni na antinatalističkom konceptu. Jugoslovenski model planiranja porodice, kao ljudskog prava, trebalo je da preraste u „društveno–aktivno i željeno roditeljstvo“ koje će biti realizovano „na bazi samoupravne pozicije radnih ljudi“ i tako postati „osnov srećnom životu u porodici i skladnom društveno-ekonomskom razvoju“.

Ivana Dobrivojević Tomić, FAMILY PLANNING IN YUGOSLAVIA AND POLAND. SIMILARITIES AND DISSIMILARITIES

Between the two world wars, Yugoslavia and Poland were industrially underdeveloped, agrarian states on the European periphery. Modernization processes have progressed slowly, so the natural increase in both countries was among the largest in Europe. During the 1930s the birth rate began to decline in both countries, and in the more developed regions of Yugoslavia there were more and more families with two children. Sexuality, free love and contraception were, both in interwar Yugoslavia and Poland, most rigorously guarded taboo of which little was said, and even less was known. Sex was socially acceptable only in marriage, and the birth of an illegitimate child was considered the greatest shame that could affect a family. Faced with the severe consequences that unprofessional abortions left on the health of tens of thousands of women, doctors began to advocate for the partial liberalization of abortion. In Poland, the campaign, starting in 1929, was led by Tadeusz Zelenski, while in Yugoslavia, doctors, lawyers and women’s associations were increasingly calling for a partial liberalization of legislation in order to reduce female mortality and morbidity. Although the end of the Second World War brought new hope and a greater desire for offspring, both in Eastern and Western Europe, in the countries of people’s democracies the birth rate began to decline as early as the late 1940s and early 1950s. At the time of the baby boom in Western European countries, fertility rates in the East were declining. In Yugoslavia, the number of intentionally terminated pregnancies was increasing year in year out and assumed the proportions of true ‘epidemic’. The mortality and morbidity of women also increased, which led the authorities to start easing the regulations on the penalties of abortion. In 1951, a new Criminal Code was passed, which was the first step towards the gradual liberalization of abortion. The interwar legal practice of general punishment of abortion was abandoned, and the following year, 1952, a Decree was passed which enabled abortion not only for medical reasons, but also due to certain social problems. In February 1960, a new Decree on the conditions and procedure for permitting abortion was passed, in which social indications became a sufficient reason for performing an abortion. The General Law on Abortion (1969) allowed abortion without any conditions. Five years later, the human right to freely decide on the number of offspring incorporated into the Constitution (1974). Rising birth rates, especially in rural parts of Poland, in the first years after World War II were criticized by experts. Demographers advocated ‘rational’ reproduction by criticizing the ‘low civilizational and cultural norms’ of those who bring too much children into the world. However, although according to some estimates, each year half a million Polish women ‘solved’ the problem of unwanted pregnancy by abortion until 1956 abortion was illegal, contraceptives were not promoted, and sexual education was banned. The situation changed completely in 1956, when Poland, following the Soviet example, allowed abortion on medical-social grounds. This was also a symbolic end to Stalinist policies that promoted fertility and birth rates under the slogan of rebuilding the Polish population who had suffered severely in World War II. The decree was further relaxed in 1959, so abortion was allowed only for social reasons. Given the lack of a clear definition of what can actually be classified as a “social initiation”, just like in Yugoslavia, the law was interpreted flexibly, so in practice a personal request become a sufficient condition for ending an unwanted pregnancy. Unlike other Eastern European countries, once the abortion was decriminalized, Yugoslav and Polish authorities only went for further liberalization of regulations, and not for their tightening. While certain pronatalist measures had been in force in Poland since the early 1970s, Yugoslav family planning policy was not based on either a pronatalist or an anti-natalist concept. The Yugoslav model of family planning, as a human right, was intended to create a ‘socially-active and desired parenthood’ that was to be realized ‘based on the self-management position of the working people’ and thus become ‘a basis for a happy life in the family and harmonious socio-economic development’.